The Criminal Justice Voluntary Sector: Concepts and an Agenda for an Emerging Field

Volunteers and voluntary organisations play significant roles pervading criminal justice. They are key actors, with unrecognised potential to shore up criminal justice and/or collaboratively reshape social justice. Unlike public and for&#8208;profit agents, criminal justice volunteers and voluntary organisations (CJVVOs) have been neglected by scholars. We call for analyses of diverse CJVVOs, in national and comparative contexts. We provide three categories to highlight distinctive organising auspices, which hold across criminal justice: statutory volunteers, quasi&#8208;statutory volunteers, and voluntary organisations. The unknown implications of these different forms of non&#8208;State, non&#8208;profit justice involvement deserve far greater attention from academics, policymakers and practitioners.

can also legitimise and extend coercive criminal justice institutions. We locate specific types of CJVVO involvement within a broader literature. This highlights the phenomenon as a whole, rather than reproducing piecemeal approaches that prioritise and conceal certain forms (Haddad 2018). Currently, policing volunteers are considered a task for policing scholars (see, for example, Bullock and Millie 2018), but this obscures relevant literature from, for example, the penal voluntary sector, and limits implications for theory, practice and praxis (Liebling 2000). By utilising our cross-cutting categories, scholars need not reinvent the wheel when analysing each form of volunteer and voluntary organisation in each criminal justice institution, and new case studies can, in turn, enhance a broader literature.

Criminal Justice Volunteers and Voluntary Organisations
Sitting between the State, market, and civil society, CJVVOs work throughout criminal justice: in police, court, prison, and community service delivery, oversight and campaigning, with a social benefit mandate (Tomczak 2017). CJVVOs work with criminalised individuals; victims; witnesses; justice practitioners; and their families. In England and Wales, 'the government is committed to supporting (the) "end-to-end" role of civil society in the criminal justice system'; 6 approximately half a million volunteers work with the police (Millie 2018); all criminal cases enter through magistrates courts, heavily dependent on volunteer judges (Welsh 2016); volunteers monitor police, court, and prison detention to prevent torture (Roffee 2017); and the voluntary sector implements 'exciting, groundbreaking, and yet often unrecognised work' in prisons (Abrams et al. 2016, p.5). This is not a jurisdictional quirk. In Australia, police volunteer involvement is expanding and voluntary organisations work in court, prison, substance treatment, and youth support (Ransley and Mazerolle 2017). USA federal prisons depend on thousands of volunteers due to insufficient resources (Kort-Butler and Malone 2015). The voluntary sector is the USA's primary prisoner re-entry provider (Kaufman 2015) and manages far more persons under correctional control than for-profits (Armstrong 2002). Even the strong Nordic welfare states involve volunteers and voluntary organisations in social service delivery (Franséhn 2016;Helminen 2016). Recent research exploring international criminal and human rights courts highlights the diverse participatory roles of voluntary/nongovernmental organisations, which span litigation, shaming, information sharing, helping with court administration, and capacity building such that voluntary organisations 'shape court resources, policies, governance and jurisprudence' (Haddad 2018, p.3). Yet, nobody has considered CJVVO significance in domestic courts.
Better understanding CJVVOs can contribute to a fuller criminology and understanding of (potential) agents of control, regulation, reform, and revolution (Burrell and Morgan 1979;Tomczak and Buck 2019 Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3601200 The Howard Journal Vol 58 No 3. September 2019ISSN 2059-1098 criminal justice' (Garland 2001, p.27). Identifying this potential makes a small contribution to fulfilling criminologists' responsibility to advocate for social and legal justice at small and large scales (Belknap 2015). Could cross-CJVVO reformers' collectives move from regularly complaining that 'progress is altogether too slow' (Garland 2001, p.27) to reshaping social justice? Penal voluntary organisations' vulnerability is often emphasised (see, for example, Maguire 2012) and while all types of CJVVO could campaign, they may perceive or experience difficulties challenging criminal justice (Helminen 2016;Tomczak 2017). Nevertheless, collectives of voluntary organisations can be influential. In many nations, voluntary organisations played a core role in recognising victims' rights and providing services (Williams 2016). Victim Support Europe is a supranational network of 40 organisations, supporting over two million people affected by crime annually, in 26 European nations. It aims to be the voice of victims in Europe and has worked with EU agencies to establish EU minimum standards on the rights, support and protection of victims in Europe. 7 While CJVVOs do not unproblematically share objectives (Ishkanian and Ali 2018), any potential for collaboration and solidarity is impeded by lack of knowledge about similar groups.
Our conceptualisation is generated from England and Wales and draws on literature reviews and searches of the Charity Commission's website in 2018. Future comparative analyses would be valuable, being the best challenge to determinist, reductionist, ethnocentric analyses (Cavadino and Dignan 2007). CJVVOs are too often considered in partisan terms: making a 'special contribution' to service users (Maguire 2012, p.490), evoking 'richly positive imagery' of inclusion (Armstrong 2002, p.351) and holding the State to account (Benson and Hedge 2009, p.35); or dismissed as aligned with State agendas (Kendall 2018). Our tripartite categorisation seeks to encourage nuanced, cross-cutting analyses of different forms of voluntary action. It is relevant beyond England and Wales, given awareness that: (i) criminal justice, welfare and voluntary sector policies, cultures, operating assumptions and practices differ across territories and time (Tomczak 2017); (ii) criminal justice restructuring is not globally homogeneous, for example, the Netherlands has a tradition of core statutory services being delegated to voluntary and private sector agencies, particularly in juvenile detention and probation, where some tasks are carried out by Salvation Army Probation (Wassenaar, Gradus and Molleman 2017). Our examples have footnotes indicating relevance in other jurisdictions (unfortunately limited to Anglophone literature).

Limiting Lenses
The prison's centrality in the sociology of punishment obscures the most common punishment: the fine (Young 1992), and contributes to the 'Cinderella' status of, variously, victims (Suknaic 1984) and community supervision (Robinson 2016). We adopt a criminal justice lens, 8  Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3601200 The Howard Journal Vol 58 No 3. September 2019ISSN 2059-1098 infractions. Justice agencies have divergent values and roles, but are mutually interdependent: without the collection of evidence no charge can be laid, without a charge there is no basis for prosecution, without evidence there can be no trial, without conviction no grounds for punishment. The beat officer and the circuit judge may inhabit different worlds and have little in common, but each has limited raison d'etre without the other. (Zedner 2004, p.20) Burgeoning literature considers isolated aspects of CJVVOs, for example in: policing (Bullock and Millie 2018); prisons (Abrams et al. 2016); community sanctions (Hucklesby and Wincup 2014); youth justice (Goddard and Myers 2018;Salole 2016); and victim support Williams 2016). Rather than presenting case studies in institutional silos (for example, 'volunteers in probation', 'victim support' (Gill and Mawby 1990)), we use cross-cutting categories to conceptualise CJVVOs. 9 This contextualises CJVVOs (and their limited and siloed literatures) within mutually interdependent criminal justice agents, and offers sensitising concepts and broader literature that this neglected area sorely requires.

Three Concepts
We identify three categories of CJVVO, which hold across criminal justice. Statutory volunteers are directly recruited, organised, supported, and funded by State agencies: police, courts, prisons, probation, and youth offending agencies. Statutory volunteering is unpaid, not compulsory, and more organised than informal or vigilante operations. State agents, statutory volunteering and voluntary organisations can overlap. Special constables and magistrates are directly powerful volunteers, featuring throughout courts and police forces nationally (albeit not uniformly). Prison staff (particularly chaplains), some probation agencies and youth offending teams also organise volunteers to undertake work supporting their agencies. Statutory volunteers sit between 'statutory' work that must be carried out (Hill 2010, p.9) and work which supports or complements 'statutory' agency functions. They engage with clients on involuntary and voluntary bases. We do not know whether these distinctions matter, or whether statutory volunteers adopt punitive and/or rehabilitative rationales. Particularly in youth work, we do not know whether such activities are post-conviction and/or preventative.
Quasi-statutory volunteers 'independently' inspect police, court, and prison detention facilities. They include independent custody visitors (police custody), lay observers (court custody) and Independent Monitoring Boards (prisons). While they are appointed statutorily (by a Police and Crime Commissioner/Secretary of State for Justice), they are organised and supported by publicly-funded arm's length bodies. Quasi-statutory volunteers form part of the UK's National Preventative Mechanism (NPM) against torture, and advocate for better services. This may appear 'niche', but given the thousands of people churning through these detention settings each day, and that people die in all of these settings, quasi-statutory Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3601200 The Howard Journal Vol 58 No 3. September 2019ISSN 2059-1098 volunteers' potential to further humane and just treatment (Roffee 2017) deserves attention. This role is increasingly important within (and beyond) criminal detention globally: the 87 states party to the Optional Protocol to the United Nations Convention against Torture must establish an NPM comprising bodies that regularly examine conditions of detention and treatment of detainees, make recommendations, and comment on legislation. 10 NPMs vary across jurisdictions (Steinerte and Murray 2009), but volunteer involvement is significant across criminal justice, immigration and mental health detention. Quasi-statutory volunteering is formalised, unpaid, not compulsory and has a degree of 'independence' from State agencies. Again, there are overlaps between State agents, quasistatutory volunteering, and voluntary organisations. We do not understand the contribution quasi-statutory volunteers (could) make to improving detention conditions. Slightly different quasi-statutory volunteers are 'independent' volunteer lay advisors consulted in community multi-agency public protection arrangements. Lay advisors are appointed by the Secretary of State but are 'independent', so not statutory volunteers, yet they do not have a co-ordinating body or torture prevention function. Again, we do not understand their (potential) contributions.
Voluntary organisations are formally constituted, non-profit making and 'independent', that is, not directly organised by the State (Schwabenland 2016, pp.1-2). However, voluntary organisations may receive State funds to operate and/or deliver (extra-)statutory services and they can overlap with (quasi-)statutory volunteers and State agencies. Voluntary organisations operate at local, regional, national, and international level and provide services, advocacy, and campaigning functions targeting 'client' groups and various decision makers (Kellow and Murphy-Gregory 2018). Voluntary organisations have received more attention in, for example, politics and management, but are significant in criminal justice (White and Kramer 2015).
Voluntary organisations work in varying degrees of partnership with and against statutory justice agencies, and range from corporate style registered charities with multimillion pound turnovers to grass-roots style organisations. There are burgeoning literatures around voluntary organisations involved in prisons and community supervision, and victim services, but the policing and court voluntary sectors have escaped attention. Penal voluntary sector research has found that funding sources can affect, but do not determine, organisations' activities (Goddard and Myers 2018;Kaufman 2015); and that organisations range from entirely volunteer run, through combinations of paid and volunteer workers, to larger organisations usually with far fewer volunteers (Tomczak 2017). It is not clear whether volunteers can, or could be distinctive from paid voluntary organisation staff, or the similarities between (quasi-)statutory volunteers and volunteers within voluntary organisations. We do not know whether voluntary organisations follow, challenge and/or set government priorities, or the extent to which their provision differs from statutory provisions.

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Statutory Volunteers: Organised by State Agencies
Policing Volunteering in policing is widely recognised as an under-researched area. (Callendar et al. 2018, p.3) In England and Wales approximately half a million volunteers work with or for the police 11 (Millie 2018). Partly responsible is the tradition of special constables: volunteers with full police powers working alongside officers across all 43 police forces (Bullock and Millie 2018;Gill and Mawby 1990). Despite their presence and powers, specials have been 'overlooked in policing scholarship' (Bullock and Millie 2018, p.2) and, we argue, as statutory criminal justice volunteers.
Additionally, police support volunteers were introduced in 1992, and now 8,000 such volunteers (who do not have police powers) contribute around 650,000 hours to policing annually (Callendar et al. 2018). They have received little research, scrutiny or debate (Bullock 2014). London's Metropolitan Police Service has a volunteer police cadet programme engaging 10-to 19-year-olds in, for example, operational support at State occasions, seeking to improve police-youth relations and reduce vulnerability to offending and victimisation (Pepper and Silvestri 2016). Police volunteers are likely to increase, as the Policing and Crime Act 2017 created 'community support volunteers' and 'policing support volunteers' whom Chief Constables may designate with powers.
State-organised volunteer police can be conceptually distinguished from informal community policing and vigilantism, and from paid 'civilian' police staff, such as police community support officers, detention officers, escort officers, and civilian investigators in the UK (Rice 2016).

Court
All criminal cases start in magistrates' courts and the vast majority conclude there (Donoghue 2014;Welsh 2016). Magistrates are volunteers without legal qualifications, who sit as part time-judges and form the 'mainstay of the system', alongside legally qualified district judges (Zedner 2004, p.17, italics added). Yet, magistrates have been 'largely neglected' by academics (and lawmakers) (Bell and Dadomo 2006, p.341). Magistrates are statutory volunteers, but the Magistrates' Association is a registered charity which has influenced legislation (Grey 2010) and educates magistrates in the law, administration of justice, treatment of the accused and crime prevention. 12 Less formally, around 1,200 youth and teen court programmes involve peer volunteers as judges, jurors, attorneys, and court officers in Europe, America, Australia, Asia, and Canada (Acker et al. 2001). Usually dealing with minor infractions, they are organised by police, probation, juvenile and family courts, and more broadly by schools and voluntary organisations (Peterson 2009).
Statutory court volunteers can be conceptually distinguished from compulsory, unpaid citizen participation, for example, mandatory jury service and mandatory lay judge service in, for example, Japan (Soldwedel 2008),

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Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3601200 The Howard Journal Vol 58 No 3. September 2019ISSN 2059-1098 although mandatory lay participation is sometimes incorrectly classified 'volunteering' (for example, Raine and Willson 1995).

Prison
Many prisons directly recruit volunteers, often through the chaplaincy 13 (Clinks 2016a). A governor, chaplain, and medical officer are employed by the Prison Service for every prison, 14 delivering faith and pastoral provisions for prisoners (Clinks 2016b). Volunteers assist chaplains, for example, as musicians in services, and to deliver statutory duties to prisoners, for example, inductions (Clinks 2016b). Statutory prison volunteers can overlap with other voluntary organisations and volunteers, as detailed later. Chaplains see prison overcrowding, squalor, and prisoner and staff distress daily, but their isolation from the mainstream Church of England and the 26 House of Lords Bishops limits their ability to raise ethical and practical concerns. 15 CJVVOs are also often isolated (Tomczak 2017) so increasing awareness of their scale, existence, and commonalities in interdependent criminal justice institutions could facilitate collaboration around shared agendas.

Community Supervision
In England and Wales, community supervision is delivered by 21 Community Rehabilitation Companies (CRCs) (low-and medium-risk (ex-) offenders) and the National Probation Service (high-risk (ex-)offenders) (Robinson, Burke and Millings 2015). Some CRCs directly recruit volunteers. Interserve/Purple Futures runs five CRCs for profit, including Cheshire and Greater Manchester CRC, which recruits volunteers to 'support' the CRC, requiring a commitment 'for a minimum of one year, and . . . a minimum of three hours of voluntary activity each week'. Volunteers may encourage probationers to: r comply with their licence/order terms; r complete application forms, for example for housing; r set realistic goals and use time positively; r develop self-esteem and self-help; r access local services to overcome their problems. 16 Staffordshire and West Midlands CRC also recruits volunteers for mentoring, motivational support and education, training and employment. 17 Commentary about the recent part privatisation of community supervision (see, for example, Burke, Millings and Robinson 2017) has barely examined volunteer or voluntary sector involvement in this new landscape. This is peculiar, given probation officers' systematic volunteer deployment from the mid-1970s 18 (Gill and Mawby 1990).

Youth Community Sanctions
Youth court cases (10-to 17-year-olds) are dealt with by either three volunteer magistrates or one district judge. 19 The most frequent community sentence is referral to a panel for between three and twelve months. 20 Panels comprise two volunteers trained by the youth offending service and a member of the youth offending team (Crawford 2004). Panels aim for the young person to make up for harms caused by their offending and address their offending behaviour. Although not unproblematic, by involving volunteers these panels can enable a distinctive dialogue to occur in response to crime (Crawford 2004), and are a recognised 'significant milestone in the history of restorative justice' (Rosenblatt 2014, p.291).
In addition to panels, Derbyshire Youth Offending Service recruits volunteers to work with youth at risk of offending through its Sporting Futures and Buddy Plus mentoring programmes. These encourage young people to engage with sport and discuss problems with a volunteer mentor. 21 While there are some studies of youth mentoring (for example, Newburn and Shiner 2006;Pitts 2001), such volunteering and the significance of whether activities are post-conviction or preventative have received insufficient attention.

Quasi-statutory Volunteers: 'Independent' of State Agencies
Police Two thousand independent custody visitors make unannounced visits to custody blocks to check and report on detainees' rights, entitlements, and well-being. Visitors are funded, managed and administered by Police and Crime Commissioners and are members of the Independent Custody Visiting Association, a Home Office funded umbrella body (Kendall 2018). Again, custody visiting is held to be 'almost completely ignored by police scholars' (Kendall 2018, p.1), obfuscating, for example, prison literature. Kendall (2018) provides the first examination of independent custody visitors, arguing that the power wielded by police undermines their independence and poses risks to detainee welfare, albeit in an overgeneralised account from one police force, that is highly critical of volunteer capabilities and neglects volunteer agency, motivations, and contributions (Wooff 2018). Prison Independent Monitoring Boards monitor whether prisoners are treated with fairness and humanity, and prepared properly for release 24 (Stern 2010). Members are expected to be impartial and apolitical, but are appointed by the Secretary of State for Justice. 25 The taxpayer funds secretariat support, volunteer training and volunteers' travel expenses. Independent Monitoring Boards can be more than symbolic and further 'humane and just treatment of some of the state's most vulnerable citizens' (Roffee 2017, p.3). 26 Board members are quasi-statutory volunteers, but their charity, the Association of Members of Independent Monitoring Boards, seeks to achieve a public voice and speak out about what Boards hear and see. 27

Public Protection
Two volunteer lay advisors, appointed by the Secretary of State, 28 provide an independent perspective on each police force's multi-agency public protection arrangements (which engage probation, police, and prisons in managing sexual and violent offenders). Police, probation, and prisons must consult their lay advisers in exercising their functions (Ministry of Justice 2012). Lay advisers sit on each area's Strategic Management Board, as reviewers and observers with local knowledge (Ministry of Justice 2012). Beyond brief mentions (for example, Thomas 2008), we know little about these volunteers and how they may affect decision making.

Policing
The vibrant policing voluntary sector has escaped attention. We introduce Neighbourhood Watch and Street Pastor crime prevention; Crimestoppers, which feeds anonymous information to police; and voluntary organisations supporting police and their families.
Forty-one UK Neighbourhood Watch schemes were registered charities in early 2018. Schemes are volunteer-run by, and for, the community. 29 Street Pastors is a similar Christian initiative. Volunteers offer night-time care on city streets, for example, first aid and helping the inebriated (Middleton and Yarwood 2015). One hundred and thirty-three UK Street Pastor schemes were registered charities in early 2018. For example, trained volunteers from local churches have patrolled Ashford since 2010. Their activities include: 'handing out space blankets outside nightclubs and flip-flops to clubbers unable to walk home in their high-heeled footwear; giving out water and lollipops . . . ; providing first aid . . . ; arranging taxis for those unable to get home . . . ; (removing) glass bottles and other potential weapons from the streets . . . to discourage violence and vandalism'. 30 They state: 'the Police are one of our biggest supporters, . . . on the nights we are on shift the crime rates drop. Just by our presence on the street and by engaging with people we . . . prevent problems'. 31 Crimestoppers in England and Wales 32 is a registered charity working to detect, reduce, and prevent crime by passing anonymous information to police: providing 136,000 pieces of information in 2016/17. Crimestoppers have 44 regional volunteer committees, including 370 volunteers who work with the police, Police and Crime Commissioners, and Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3601200 The Howard Journal Vol 58 No 3. September 2019ISSN 2059-1098 Community Safety Partnerships to promote Crimestoppers and manage local campaigns. Without the 'great amount of time' donated by volunteers, the charity 'would not be able to sustain the current level of activities'. 33 Eighty-seven full time equivalent salaried staff and regional managers supported volunteer committees. Their income of £5 million in 2016 was mainly from central government and donations/legacies. Following the priorities set by the national government, in 2016/17 Crimestoppers worked to tackle modern-day slavery, domestic abuse, and honour-based abuse. 34 Crimestoppers obtained funding from the High Sherriff 's Police Trust and the Skelton Bounty Charitable Trust to tackle modern-day slavery in partnership with Greater Manchester Police.
A range of registered charities assist the police and their families. Injured officers are supported by, for example, the Blue Lamp Foundation; the Police Rehabilitation Centre; and the North West Police Benevolent Fund. Families of police officers who have died on duty are offered support from, for example, Care of Police Survivors.

Court
Registered charity, Citizens Advice, runs a witness service supporting prosecution and defence witnesses in over 240 criminal courts. Over 3,000 trained volunteers provide free, independent practical and emotional support for witnesses, assisting 156,400 people in 2016/17. 35 Citizens Advice received £17 million from the MoJ and the Welsh government to deliver this service. 36 Registered charity, Victim Support, provides practical and emotional support 37 for victims and witnesses from three-years-old to give evidence, including victims of sexual violence and domestic abuse. Support includes pre-court visits, practice using video links, meetings with judges and advocates, and self-esteem building activities. Victim Support assisted 1,200 witnesses through this service in 2016/17. 38

Prison and Community Supervision
Existing literature explores penal voluntary organisations' work (Tomczak 2017), for example with prisoners (Abrams et al. 2016), prisoners' families (Woodall and Kinsella 2018) and in resettlement (Thompson and Thomas 2017). Peer mentoring by (ex-)prisoners is a growing area internationally (Buck 2018), and commentary has explored peer interventions co-ordinated by voluntary organisations: in young offender institutions, prisons and community supervision (see, for example, Fletcher and Batty 2012;Jaffe 2012;South, Bagnall and Woodall 2017). To this literature, we add understanding of how varying CJVVOs can combine, using the case study of HMP Send, England.
Prison chaplains organise statutory volunteers and may also engage with voluntary organisations. HMP Send is a women's prison in Surrey where many CJVVOs work with prisoners (Clinks 2016b). The Nazareth Way is a voluntary organisation working under the direction of Send's managing chaplain, but further voluntary organisations work through the chaplaincy, including: official prison visitors; Prison Fellowship; the Mothers Union (Diocese of Guildford); Changing Tunes; and Cruse Bereavement Care. Through the chaplaincy and beyond, prisoners 'are supported by more than 50 voluntary organisations covering a diverse range of issues from family support (Salvation Army / Send Family Link / Prisoner Advice Service / SWS Domestic Abuse / Samaritans) to drug, alcohol, health and related issues (Alcoholics Anonymous / Surrey Harm Reduction Outreach / Cruse Bereavement Counselling / Guildford College Counsellors)'. 39 It is perhaps notable that HMP Send is one of the few prisons to achieve the Inspectorate's highest grading for outcomes across all four healthy prison tests. 40

Victims
Victim Support in England and Wales 41 was among the first victims' organisations, emerging in the 1970s (Mawby 2016). From its inception, 'victim support as an independent organisation utilising community resources and deploying volunteers was stressed' (Gill and Mawby 1990, p.77). It supports anyone affected by crime, no matter when it occurred or whether it was reported. It seeks to 'help and empower people affected by crime and traumatic incidents to move beyond crime and . . . feel they are back on track with their lives'. 42 Activities include: offering confidential emotional and practical support; providing specialist services for victims of, for example, domestic abuse; championing victims' rights and issues locally and nationally, working closely with policymakers and commissioners. 43 Alongside paid staff, 1,287 volunteers gave 267,144 hours of their time to support victims of crime in 2016/17, estimated to be worth £3.84 million. 44 Local voluntary organisations also support victims, for example, Hull Rape Crisis offers free telephone and face-to-face support and counselling to any female over the age of 14 years who has been raped or sexually abused at any time. 45

Fluidity and Areas for Investigation
Our CJVVO categories facilitate further analyses, but there is fluidity between services, service users, and practitioners (Buck 2016). CJVVO activity overlaps with what can and should be provided by the State, and straddles criminal exclusion and social deprivation (Cook 2006). As such, our concepts should be treated as sensitising devices rather than fixed, bounded categories. This section signposts five forms of fluidity, the implications of which are not yet understood.
Appropriate adults support juveniles and vulnerable adults in police custody, per the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 Code of Practice (Code C). Volunteers provide appropriate adult services for youth offending teams, local authorities and through voluntary organisations, but appropriate adults are not exclusively volunteers and may be, for example, guardians, paid professionals, or social workers (Pierpoint 2011). Various reviews have recommended volunteer appropriate adults to, for example, enhance availability and promote 'good citizenship', but schemes are locally operated by various bodies including youth offending services 46 and not all areas use volunteers (Pierpoint 2006). The National Appropriate Adult Network is a registered charity working to ensure that 'every child and mentally vulnerable adult detained or interviewed by the police has their rights and welfare safeguarded effectively by an appropriate adult', providing, inter alia, professional development and Internet resources for appropriate adults, and an online gateway linking potential volunteers to local schemes. 47 Appropriate adult services for juveniles are required by statute, so arguably should not be subsidised by unremunerated volunteer and voluntary organisation involvement. Hucklesby and Wincup (2014) demonstrate widespread blurring of the roles of volunteers and paid staff in mentoring, with, for example, voluntary sector mentoring meetings being designated as bail appointments to free up overstretched statutory staff, thus becoming a breachable activity that could result in arrest. Such blurring is held to disguise enhanced control behind philanthropic agendas (Hucklesby and Wincup 2014), although such critiques do not justify how the State and voluntary organisations (potentially) have inherently different ways of governing (Salole 2016). Buck (2016, p.107) illustrated the case of Phil, an ex-prisoner who informally volunteered to deliver peer mentoring and resettlement support for adult prisoners, having been invited back into prison post release. His paid work is delivering a Housing Association's youth inclusion programme, seeking to 'challenge young people's attitudes about crime and change negative lifestyles', straddling criminal exclusion and social inequality.
Remedi is a charity with paid and volunteer staff in the north of England, providing restorative justice and mentoring services to address conflict across offence types, in partnership with police, probation, youth offending, prisons, and victim services. 48 Victims and offenders can self-refer to Remedi's services which are free at the point of delivery. Remedi also operates outside criminal justice with families and schools. 49 Its Safer Schools model is delivered in three Sheffield schools serving deprived areas with significant black and minority ethnic (BME) populations and high exclusion/poor attendance rates. Remedi has dedicated on-site restorative practitioners who address conflict in and around the schools. 50 Remedi's work illustrates fluidity between the exclusionary criminal justice system and attempts to mitigate the effects of social inequality. How is this beneficial and problematic?
Similarly, Out There is a charity offering free, confidential support for prisoners' families serving the 'sentence on the outside' in Greater Manchester. 51 Its four paid and eight volunteer staff run outreach sessions at HMP Manchester, support groups to counter the loneliness, isolation and stigma that prisoners' families can experience, and groups for sex offenders' families. It also provides phone calls, home visits, liaison with prison and probation, referral to services, and help from the hardship fund, with transport and attending appointments. 52 It distributes food parcels to families, helps families in hardship to replace domestic appliances, works with Catholic Family Care to provide essential clothing Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3601200 The Howard Journal Vol 58 No 3. September 2019ISSN 2059-1098 and bedding and provide hardship funding. Again, this work straddles criminal justice and social inequality.

Conclusion
This article is significant because it illustrates the pervasive volunteer and voluntary organisation activity throughout criminal justice. Our tripartite conceptualisation demonstrates links and overlaps between different forms of CJVVO, which tend to be examined in isolation. CJVVOs have hitherto unrecognised potential to shore up criminal justice and/or reshape social justice, but we do not understand the forms and functions that facilitate these outcomes. Overlooking CJVVOs has political implications, meaning that a (potential) swathe of regulatory activity (which extends beyond criminal justice into social marginalisation) is not recognised, and limiting potential for radical action (Tomczak and Buck 2019). We call for others to utilise our typology to advance the research agenda and activism across this significant, but previously fragmented and overlooked, field. Martin and Varney (2003) argue for reflection 'on how, when and under what circumstances . . . everyday resistances give rise to larger more capable challenges' (p.6) against large and small instances of aggression, repression and oppression. Penal voluntary organisations make important contributions: saving (ex-)offender lives (Tomczak and Thompson 2019); promoting personal growth and change (Buck 2018); helping reduce recidivism (Lewis et al. 2007;Sharkey, Torrats-Espinosa and Takyar 2017), which, given the £15 billion annual costs and social harms of reoffending in England and Wales (Ministry of Justice 2016, p.3) deserves further exploration; and campaigning against social exclusion, even under neoliberal governance (Goddard and Myers 2018). Some CJVVOs are also considered to have limiting or negative consequences, including: shoring up dangerous police detention conditions (Kendall 2018); obfuscating the flow of private funds into public policing operations and priorities (Lippert and Walby 2017); and shaping victim behaviour to align with the criminal justice priority of bearing witness in court ). It is essential to locate and contextualise accounts of particular types of CJVVO activity amidst the whole sector, and conceptualise CJVVOs without essentialising them and their potential (Tomczak and Buck 2019).
England and Wales still has the highest imprisonment rate in Western Europe, with in excess of 80,000 prisoners (Prison Reform Trust 2017), confined within a violent, unsafe prison estate (Council of Europe 2017). CJVVOs of all forms could challenge this situation more overtly and forcefully. Building awareness of CJVVOs is an important step towards realising their reformative and/or revolutionary potential. We hope that others will take up our call for further analyses in this area. 53 Notes 1 Volunteering is the optional giving of time to perform tasks with no direct financial compensation (Thoits and Hewitt 2001).

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Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3601200